Verbal Abuse against Children Essay Example for Free

Verbal Abuse against Children Essay Verbal abuse is increasingly being recognized for its negative effects (Visaing, Straus, Gelles, Harrop, p. 223-238). Subjecting children to the victimization of their mothers is a severe form of psychological maltreatment. Despite the parents attempts to shield the children from adult violence, most children witness some violence against their mothers and are likely to at least hear the violence (Phillips, Lukens, Casriel, p. 111-121). Hiding in their bedrooms out of fear, the children may hear repeated threats of injury, verbal assaults on their mothers character, objects hurled across the room, suicide attempts, beatings, and threats to kill (Rosenberg, p. 85-89). Such exposure arouses a mixture of intense feelings in the children that include fear that the mother will be killed, guilt that they could not stop the violence, divided loyalties, and anger at the mother for not leaving (James Madison University, Center for Child Abuse Education, p. 114). Even a single episode of violence can produce posttraumatic stress disorder in the children (Stullman, Schoenenberger, Hanks, p. 32). Thus, the father who batters is at risk for emotionally traumatizing the children because he already has a history of doing so. The immediate problems of the children can be divided into two broad categories: (1) internalized problems such as withdrawn or anxious behavior and (2) externalized problems such as aggressive and delinquent behaviors. Some children show both types. In one study three-fourths of the children of battered women exhibited clinically significant behavioral problems, compared with only 13 percent of those in a control group (Jaffe, Wolfe, Wilson, Zak, p. 142-146). The impact on behavior may be greatest for children who are exposed to the most conflict between the parents and are treated punitively. The effects may differ by gender, but the findings are not consistent (for example, Davis Carlson, p. 278-291). The children may also develop hearing, speech, and learning difficulties (Penfold, p. 108-114). Teenage children may turn to alcohol and drug use. The ability of the children to solve social problems is also impaired. The children tend to do poorly on measures testing their understanding of social situations and the thoughts and feelings of others and are less able to deal with an emergency (Jaffe et al. , p. 45). Exposure to violence is likely to teach male children how to be abusive throughout their lives, thus contributing to the intergenerational transmission of violence. Factors That May Affect Risk of Abuse Besides knowing which parent is most at risk for physically or emotionally abusing their children, there may be important factors that raise or lower the level of risk, including parental separation and parents traumas, psychological profiles, and participation in treatment. Parental Separation Many men who batter cling to the marital relationship after separation and continue to harass and physically abuse their partners. Some wives are killed during separation in the context of custody disputes or visitation (Saunders Browne, p. 379-402). An abuser may try to control his partner by having the children act as spies, or he may lash out at the children if he views his partner and children as a single entity and feels vengeful (Chesler, p. 67). Wallerstein and Kellys study of divorced families illustrates how men who batter try to convince the children and the court that their partners are either morally bankrupt or emotionally unfit to continue mothering (pp. 28-29). The children will also be exposed to more violence if either partner is a victim or offender in a new relationship. However, the risk of exposure differs for men and women. It does not seem, as practice lore has it, that battered women are likely to find a new abuser. Pagelow (p. 65) found that only 33 percent of the battered women in her study were in more than one violent relationship. The national norm of all marriages that have experienced violence at some point is about the same-28 percent (Straus, Gelles, Steinmetz, p. 62-64). On the other hand, abusers may have more than a 50 percent chance of battering in a new relationship, with rates ranging from 57 percent to 86 percent in two nonrandom studies (Pagelow, 76). Parents Childhood Traumas Perhaps the most common truism among those trying to determine the potential for child abuse is that being abused as a child is a strong predictor of becoming a child abuser. In the past it was believed that because both battered women and their partners were likely to have been abused in childhood, both have about the same chance of abusing their children. Recent evidence, however, suggests that two pieces of practice lore need to be modified. First, all studies do not find that either battered women or their partners are more likely to have been abused in childhood. Hotaling and Sugarman (p. 101-124) found that four out of 13 studies they reviewed did not confirm the notion that battered women or men who batter were abused in childhood. A more consistent risk marker was for the men to have witnessed violence between parents (14 out of 16 studies). When witnessing violence is combined with being abused in childhood, an especially potent risk factor is created for becoming a woman and child abuser (Straus et al. , p. 68-95). Second, it was also believed that most parents who abuse their children were abused themselves. There is a positive relationship between being abused and becoming an abuser, but the relationship is not as strong as was once thought (Jayaratne, p. 23-43). Kaufman and Zigler (p. 186-198) concluded from their review of studies that about 30 percent of those who were abused as children were likely to become abusers. If a broader definition of abuse is used, as in the national study by Straus (p. 213-234), only 15 percent of those who were frequently abused by their parents abused their own children. Of those who were not abused, 8 percent abused their children. Bowker, Arbitell, and McFerron ( p. 158-175) concluded from their survey of battered women that male dominance and violence against wives, especially marital rape, was a much more important link to child abuse by fathers than the fathers childhood victimization. When there is a link between childhood victimization and later abuse, there is some evidence that it is stronger in men. Miller and Challas (p. 29-43) found that of those who were abused as children, 31 percent of the men and 19 percent of the women were rated as being at high risk for abusing their own children. Parents Psychological Profiles Psychological evaluations are frequently ordered in contested child custody cases, and social workers need to know the strengths and limits of these evaluations. In general, the prediction of dangerous behavior is best made from past violent behavior and not from general personality traits. Wolfe (p. 462-482) concluded from his literature review that underlying personality attributes and traits have been unable to detect any patterns associated with child abuse beyond general descriptions of displeasure in the parental role and stress-related complaints (p. 465). A more relevant indicator of risk for child abuse is the Child Abuse Potential Inventory (Milner, p. 41-54). Men who batter have been shown to score higher on this measure than nonbatterers (Milner Gold, p. 169-172). In custody and visitation evaluations, the measure needs to be supplemented with interview and background data (Saunders, p. 208-235). Evaluations are often complicated by the ability of many of the men who batter to function well while their partners appear pathological (Ayoub, Grace, Paradise, Newberger, p. 191-207). Despite appearances, the men are likely to have longstanding, severe problems such as alcoholism and emotional wounds from childhood traumas. A large proportion has personality disorders. Hotaling and Sugarmans (p. 101-124) review did not find similar chronic problems in battered women. There is evidence that if the women develop psychological problems, they are the direct result of battering. The nonviolent tactics of men who batter are also likely to contribute to the womens emotional turmoil. Many tactics are similar to those used against prisoners of war. The men often isolate the women; blame them for the abuse; falsely accuse them of infidelity; and put labels on them like crazy, stupid, or whore (Walker, p. 34). The men may also make death threats, especially if the women try to leave. When a woman learns that her partner wants custody of the children, her stress can become overwhelming, because her goal in leaving her partner is often to protect the children. Posttraumatic stress disorder and depression are the likely outcomes of such an ordeal. When Rosewater (p. 86-96) administered the Minnesota Multiphasic Personality Inventory to a group of battered women, their average profile showed features consistent with borderline personality disorder and schizophrenia. She interpreted the findings, not as a sign of severe psychopathology, but as an indication that battered woman can be severely traumatized by the battering and fear of its recurrence. Therefore, using psychological test scores and courtroom behavior to assess the parenting abilities of battered women must be done with extreme caution. Crites and Coker (p. 9-13) noted that the battered woman may appear in court to be unstable, nervous, inarticulate, or angry because of her ordeal. The author worked on a case in which the judge interpreted a womans attempt to find safety as pathological, stating that she had shown evidence of impulsivity and poor judgment because of her recent precipitous move to another state. Crites and Coker (p. 40-43) noted that therapists as well as judges make such interpretations. Another symptom-flat affect-may also works against the women. Women may develop such an affect to guard against painful memories. Practitioners, attorneys, and judges may mistakenly assume that the womans apparent indifference to danger means that she accepts it, rather than seeing that she is suffering from psychic numbing. A battered womans psychological state can certainly affect her ability to parent. For example, battered womens depression appears to be related to their childrens problems as much as the childrens exposure to violence (Wolfe, Jaffe, Wilson, Zak, p. 657-665). If severe, maternal depression can lead to neglect of the childrens needs. A major goal in assessment is to determine the likelihood that the depression will lift once the woman is safely away from her abuser. Some battered women turn to drug and alcohol abuse to cope with their depression, pain, and fear. The goal of assessment is to determine the prognosis for recovery once she is safe from violence. Drug and alcohol abuse by women makes it easier to see them as bad victims. When drug or alcohol abuse or depression impairs a battered woman, she may be held liable for her partners abuse of the children, an extension of societys stereotype that places mothers in the role of ultimate protector of their children. Just as in cases of father-daughter incest where mothers are sometimes veiwed as complicit, many courts contend that women could have stopped their partners from physically abusing the children (Crites Coker, p. 42). Schechter (cited in Suh, 1989) suggested that victims can put us in touch with our own vulnerability, and some who cant tolerate those feelings find it easier to turn them into anger at the victim (p. 63). Practitioners are not immune from these feelings. They may see the woman as passive, uncooperative, and ambivalent rather than as caught between the fear of battering and the agencys requirements for child protection. An innovative program described by Schechter and Gary (1992) provides advocacy for battered women in a pediatric setting, which is ideal for helping battered women because they often seek help for their children before seeking it for themselves. A peer advocate works with the woman to help keep her and her children safe. Parents Participation in Treatment If interventions could efficiently and effectively reduce the child abuse potential of either or both parents then custody and visitation recommendations could be made based on the completion of treatment or other interventions. Unfortunately, some interventions used with these cases are ineffective or even hazardous for battered women and their children. For example, the unqualified application of family systems theories and mediation models can be risky. Many of these models assume equal power among family members and equal responsibility for causing family problems. Abuse is often seen as arising from poor communication or alcoholism. If divorce counselors use such models, battered women and their children may be placed at greater risk for abuse. The patriarchal structure of the family is supported, and consequently there is an increased risk of woman abuse. Furthermore, if conjoint sessions are used, the mother or children may reveal continued abuse or a desire for the father to leave the family. The family may be left unprotected from the mans rage after the counseling session. Divorce mediators may apply some of these same principles. Walker and Edwall (p. 127-154) concluded that abusive men are unlikely to be able to put their childrens needs ahead of their own. Mediators may believe that they can equalize the power difference, but battered women carry with them a terror that makes them prone to give in. Also, mediation offers no enforcement of agreements, and in many states what is revealed to the mediator is not held in confidence. Some mediators seem to provide more safety because they have separate assessment and mediation sessions (Zemmelman, Steinman, Knoblauch, p. 32-37). Magana and Taylor (p. 50-64) provided special training and protocols for mediators and found that separate sessions and protective measures were more likely in the most violent cases. Out of concern for power and safety issues, some states are now exempting battered women from required mediation. A number of guidelines are available for mediators and judges to help them screen for abuse and decide on a course of action (Crises Coker, 9-13). Innovative treatments to help men who batter end their violence have not been evaluated extensively. Social workers and their clients need to know that recidivism rates after treatment can be fairly high, ranging from about 15 percent to 40 percent more than one year after treatment (Saunders Azar, p. 481-545). In addition, many men leave treatment prematurely even when they are legally mandated to attend. Also, psychological abuse by many of the men is not reduced after treatment (Saunders Azar, p. 481-545). Treatment programs for men who batter usually do not contain material on parent training. However, many methods of anger management for men who batter are the same as those used to help abusing parents (for example, Schinke, Schilling, Barth, Gilchrist, Maxwell, p. 13-26). Thus, men who batter have the potential for transferring the same skills to their parenting role. There is some evidence that the men have lower child abuse potential after treatment. A study by Stacey and Shupe (p. 64) showed a substantial reduction in actual child abuse by men as reported by their partners. Problems with Visitation and Joint Custody Joint custody laws are now in effect in most states to encourage or mandate the sharing of parental responsibilities. Joint custody has many advantages when a woman has adequate financial resources and a partner who is nonabusive and supports her as a parent. However, many practitioners are having second thoughts about joint custody because of financial hardships for women and the risk of renewed trauma to the children (Geffner Pagelow, p. 151-159). Elkin (p. 18-24) listed the types of parents for whom joint custody is appropriate. These parents are committed to making joint custody work out of love for their children, are willing and able to negotiate differences, and are able to separate husband and wife roles from parental roles. These are rarely the characteristics of domestic violence cases. Emery and Wyer (p. 472-480) have contended that joint custody is contraindicated when there has been family violence. Elkin (p. 18-24) listed contraindicating factors that often coexist with wife abusefor example, a history of alcohol or other drug dependency, the parents inability to agree on childrearing, and family disorganization. One problem with joint custody is that battered women may agree to it because they are coerced and do not want to look bad in a sole custody trial. Conclusion Recent legislation reflects the growing reservations about joint custody. Most states now have statutory clauses to take marital violence into account when making custody decisions. It is hoped that such laws will counter the trend that places financial ability and two-parent families as the highest standards in awarding custody. Men who batter are likely to win custody with these standards because they usually have higher incomes and remarry sooner than their ex-partners. Joint custody and visitation allow abusers continued contact with their partners. Supervised visitation may provide important father-child contact that prevents idealization of the absent father. It is ironic that women were once told to fabricate cruel treatment by their spouses to obtain a divorce, yet today, cruelty to women and children is often not believed, especially mothers charges of child abuse in the midst of a custody dispute. Abuse may be revealed only after separation because the mother feels safer reporting it then, or abuse may start in the years immediately following separation because it is a very stressful time. Many battered women face a catch-22; when the abuse spills over to their children, they may seek shelter or flee to another state, yet they may be punished for doing so. One judge stated that a womans extensive contacts with a battered womans shelter meant that her environment was characterized by self-interest and excessive liberalism (Fredericks, 1986, p. 2). Works Cited Ayoub, C. C., Grace, P. F., Paradise, J. E., Newberger, E. H. Alleging psychosocial impairment of the accuser to defend oneself against a child abuse allegation. Child and Youth Services, 15 (1991), 191-207. Bowker L. H., Arbitell, M., McFerron, J. R. On the relationship between wife beating and child abuse. ln K. Yllo M. Bograd (Eds.), Feminist perspectives on wife abuse (pp. 158-175). Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications, 1988. Chesler, P. Mothers on trial: The battle for children and custody. Seattle: Seal Press, 1987. Crites, L., Coker, D. What therapists see that judges might miss: A unique guide to custody decisions when spouse abuse is charged. JudgesJournal, 27(2) (1988). 9-13, 40-43. Davis, L. V., Carlson, B. E. Observations of spouse abuse: What happens to the children? Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 2(3) (1987), 278-291. Elkin, M. Joint custody: Affirming that parents and families are forever. Social Work, 32 (1987), 18-24. Emery, R. E., Wyer, M. M. Divorce mediation. American Psychologist 42(5) (1987), 472-480. Fantuzzo, J. W., Lindquist, C. U. (1990). The effects of observing conjugal violence on children. Journal of Family Violence, 4, 77-94. Geffner, R., Pagelow, M. D. Mediation and child custody issues in abusive relationships. Behavioral Sciences and the Law, 8 (1990), 151-159. Hotaling, G. T., Sugarman, D. B. An analysis of risk markers in husband to wife violence: The current state of knowledge. Violence and Victims, 1 (1986), 101-124. Jaffe, P. G., Wolfe, D. A., Wilson, S. K. Children of battered women. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications, 1990.

Chemical Structure Of Fructooligosaccharides

Chemical Structure Of Fructooligosaccharides Introduction Modern people are increasingly interested in their personal health, and expect the foods they eat to be tasty and attractive also healthy and safe. As interest in the link between diet and health gathers pace, many people seek ways to feel well and stay healthy by eating nutritionally foods. Non-digestible carbohydrates such as oligosaccharides, dietary fibers, and resistant starch have various physiologic functions and the promotive effects of many non-digestible carbohydrates on well being, better health and reduction of the risk of diseases have been well examined. Among non-digestible carbohydrates, the functional oligosaccharides present important physicochemical and physiological properties beneficial to the health of consumers, and for this reason, their use as food ingredients has increased rapidly. The functional oligosaccharides are intermediate in nature between simple sugars and polysaccharides and are claimed to behave as dietary fibres and prebiotics. These compounds as non-absorbable food ingredients are microbial food supplements and may benefit the host by selectively stimulating salutary bacteria in the large intestine. The best known functional oligosaccharides include fructooligosaccharide, glucooligosaccharides (GOS), isomalto-oligosaccharides, soybean oligosaccharides, xylo-oligosaccharides and maltitol. Fructooligosaccharides (FOS) are non-digestible carbohydrates that represent one of the major classes of bifidogenic oligosaccharides. They are compounds of a vegetable origin and are found in varying concentrations in many foods such as asparagus, onions, artichokes, garlic, wheat, bananas, tomatoes and honey. Their chemical structure consists of a chain of fructose units with a terminal glucose unit linked by ÃŽÂ ²-(2â‚ ¬Ã‚ ¢1) glycosidic bonds, that means they cannot be hydrolysed by human digestive enzymes which are specific for ÃŽÂ ²-glycosidic bonds. The length of the chain ranges from 2- 60. There are three categories of FOS, each of which is structurally distinct: inulin, has a polymerization degree of 2 about 60 monomers of fructose, with an average of 12 units; oligofructose is produced by the enzymatic hydrolysis of inulin and is defined as a fraction of oligosaccharides with degree of polymerization lower than 20, although commercial products tend to have a mean value of 9; these FOS are produced by the enzymatic hydrolysis of inulin and consists of fructosyl chains of different lengths, with glucose and fructose terminals. Finally, scFOS (short chain fructooligosaccharides) are specifically defined as mixed chains of fructosyl with a glucose terminal unit; they have a maximum of 5 units and are derived from sugar through natural fermentation processes, producing 1-kestose (GF2), nystose (GF3) and 1-fructosylnystose (GF4) in which the fructosyl units (F) are linked at the ÃŽÂ ²-(2â‚ ¬Ã‚ ¢1) position of sucrose (Figure 1). FOS are water-soluble and their sweetness is 0.3-0.6 times that of sucrose, depending on the chemical structure and the degree of polymerization of the oligosaccharide. FOS are highly hygroscopic and their water holding capacity is greater than that of sucros. The viscosity of a FOS solution is higher than that of sucrose at the same concentration because the greater molecular weight of FOS. The enhanced viscosity of the gastrointestinal content may delay the rate of gastric emptying and the digestion and absorption of nutrients. Their thermal stability also is greater than of sucrose. FOS are highly stable in the normal range of food pH (4.0-7.0). FOS can substitute sucrose as regards many of its properties, including solubility, freezing and fusion point and crystalline properties. It has been estimated that the caloric value of FOS ranges from 1.5 to 2.0 kcal/g, which represents 40-50% of that of digestible carbohydrates such as sucrose. Fructooligosaccharides have interesting properties: à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¢ Low sweetness intensity: this property makes them useful for various kinds of foods where the use of sucrose is restricted due to its high sweetness. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¢ Calorie free; i.e., the human body lacks the necessary enzymes to hydrolyze the beta bonds, so that they are not hydrolyzed by the digestive enzymes. Thus, since these substances can not be used as an energy source in the body, they are safe for diabetics and people on slimming diets. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¢ Non-cariogenic, since they are not used by Streptococcus mutans to form the acids and insoluble ÃŽÂ ²-glucans that are the main causes of dental caries. à ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¢ They behave as soluble food fibre from a physiological point of view. They are non-digestible carbohydrates of a vegetable origin that reach to the large intestine, where they can be fermented by the colonic flora to promote the growth of bifidobacteria and prevent the growth of potentially pathogenic microorganisms. The bacterial degradation of FOS occurs in two stages: in the first stage, the monomers are hydrolyzed by bacterial beta-oxidases. In the second, the monomers released ferment anaerobically to produce volatile fat acids (SCFA) such as acetate, propionate and butyrate, and gases (H2, CO2, CH4). These properties, together with their other beneficial physiological effects (low carcinogenicity, prebiotic effect, improved mineral absorption, and decreased serum cholesterol, phospholipid and triacylglycerol levels) defend the addition of FOS to foods as infant formulas which, in any case, have only very low quantities of these nutrients. Experimental 1 Impact of a jelly containing short-chain fructo-oligosaccharides and Sideritis euboea extract on human faecal microbiota. (Mitsou et al., 2009) 1. Materials Methods 1.1 Subjects Sixty-four healthy adult volunteers (26 men and 38 women) aged 22-51 years (mean age: 33 years) enrolled. Elimination criteria were a history of gastrointestinal disease and chronic diseases (i.e., diabetes, hyperlipidemia, autoimmune disorders, cardiovascular diseases), a history of extreme dietary behaviors, epileptic seizures, consumption of antibiotics and other medication 2 months prior and during the investigation period. Smoking patterns were recorded prior to the study. 1.2 Feeding regime Placebo food was a commercial dessert (jelly, lemon flavored) in powder form containing 86 g sugar, 10 g gelatin, 2.20 g citric acid, 1 g sodium citrate, 0.5 g flavors and 0.3 g colors per 100 g of product. Experimental functional food (jelly) provided additionally 15 g sc-FOS and 0.9 g S. euboea extract per 100 g of product (respectively, 5 g and 0.3 g per jelly portion daily). Powder from aqueous extract of S. euboea was produced using a spray drier. The sc-FOS tested was Actilight ® 950P, a mixture of FOS comprising 37% 1-kestose (GF2), 53% nystose (GF3) and 10% 1F-ÃŽÂ ²-fructofuranosyl nystose (GF4) (Bà ©ghin Meiji Industries, Neuilly sur Seine, France). Jotis S.A. Food Industry provided both the placebo and experimental food product. The experimental and placebo food were supplied in a powder form (100-g packages) and volunteers were asked to prepare 3 portions of jelly per 100-g package according to manufacturers instructions. Subjects were free to eat one portion of the jelly at any time of day. 1.3 Experimental design Subjects were instructed to preserve their usual diet and fluid intake during the study with the exception of additional prebiotics and probiotic supplements. Volunteers were assessed for restriction of probiotic and prebiotic consumption during a period of two weeksprior to the intervention. One pre-treatment faecal sample was taken before treatment period begun (day 0). During the intervention, subjects were randomly assigned to two groups according to feeding regime (placebo group, sc-FOS+extract group) and consumed, respectively, one portion of placebo or experimental jelly daily for 30 d. Neither the subjects nor the researchers were informed about the type of jelly ingested (doubleblinded). Faecal samples were obtained after 2 weeks (day 15) and 4 weeks (day 30) of the treatment period. Stool sampling took place also at the end of the follow-up period, 2 weeks after the dietary intervention (day 45). 1.4 Gastrointestinal symptoms Gastrointestinal side effects were evaluated during the treatment period (day 1-15 and day 16-30) using a daily questionnaire in which symptoms (i.e. abdominal pain, bloating, flatulence) were marked from 0 (no symptoms) to 3 (severe symptoms). The 15-d symptom score (sum of symptom intensity during a 15-d period) was graded as 0 = no symptoms, 1-15 = mild symptoms, 16-30 = moderate symptoms and 31-45 = severe symptoms with possible range for each 15-d symptom score estimated at 0-45 and for total symptom score at 0-135. 1.5 Sample collection Faecal specimens were collected rapidly into sterile plastic containers and transferred under anaerobic conditions (GΆ¢ÃƒÅ½Ã‚ bag anaer, 45534 Biomà ©rieux ® SA, Marcy-lEtoile, France), to a laboratory for microbiological analysis. 1.6 Bacterial enumeration Approximately 1 g of the specimenwasweighed and diluted in 9-ml pre-reduced peptone physiological saline (PPS), containing 0.1% bacteriological peptone (OXOID Basingstoke, Hamshire, England) and 0.85%NaCl. After homogenization, serial 10-fold dilutions of the homogenateswere performed in PPS under anaerobic environment (BACTRONà ¢Ã¢â‚¬Å¾Ã‚ ¢ 1.5 Anaerobic Environmental Chamber, SHELLAB, Cornelius, Oregon). Columbia blood agar was used for the enumeration of the total mesophilic aerobic and anaerobic microflora (incubation under aerobic and anaerobic conditions at 37  °C for 48 h). Enumeration of total coliforms and E. coli was performed on Chromocult ® Coliform agar (Merck KGaA, Darmstadt, Germany) and bacterial counts of enterococci were performed on Slanetz and Bartley medium (LabM Limited, Lancashire, UK) after aerobic incubation at 37  °C for 24 and 48 h, respectively. Rogosa agar (Merck KGaA) and Wilkins-Chalgren anaerobe agar (OXOID), supplemented with 5% (v/v) defibrina ted horse blood and G-N anaerobe selective supplement (OXOID),were used for the enumeration of Lactobacillus spp. and Bacteroides spp. respectively, after anaerobic incubation at 37 °C for 48 h. Clostridium perfringens was enumerated on Perfringens agar (LabM Limited) supplemented with D-cycloserine (400 mg/L) (LabM Limited) after 24-h anaerobic incubation at 37 °C. Finally, Beerens agar was used for the enumeration of Bifidobacterium spp. (anaerobic incubation at 37 °C for 72 h). Bacteria were characterized on the basis of colony appearance, Grams stain, catalase reaction and cell morphology. Since Rogosa and Beerens agars are likely to support growth of non-Lactobacillus and non-Bifidobacterium species respectively one representative isolate from each colony phenotype in these media was further identified to the genus level by molecular methods as described previously. Colony counts were obtained and expressed as a log10 of the colony forming units (CFUs)/g fresh faeces. 1.7 Statistics Bacterial counts between the feeding groups at each sampling time (day 0, 15, 30 and 45) prospectively were compared using repeated measures ANOVA (RM-ANOVA) for parametric and the Friedman test for non-parametric data, after age adjustment and Bonferronis adjustment for multiplicity. Bacterial counts into each group were compared prospectively using paired-samples t test for parametric and the Wilcoxon signed ranks test for non-parametric data. Comparison of colonization levels was based on log10 transformation of viable bacterial counts. Correlations between initial bifidobacterial levels and increases in bifidobacteria counts in sc-FOS+extract group at day 15 and 30 were tested by the Spearman correlation and a linear regression analysis was performed for the best prediction of the dependent variable. Digestive symptom intensity was expressed as a 15-d score (day 1-15 and day 16-30) as well as the number of evacuations, watery stools and diarrheic days. Comparisons between study groups and intragroup analysis were performed by the Friedman test for nonparametric data, after age adjustment and Bonferronis adjustment for multiplicity. The statistical analysis of the results was performed by the software program SPSS ® for Windows Release 11.5 and the significance threshold was set at 5% (P 2. Results Fifty-two volunteers (23 men and 29 women) aged 23-50 years (mean age: 34 years) managed to complete the study. Dropoutwas due to antibiotic consumption during the investigation period. According to randomized design of the study, 23 volunteers ingested the placebo and 29 volunteers consumed the experimental jelly. No significant differences were detected between the placebo and the sc-FOS+extract groups in terms of age (mean age: 33.78 years vs. 34.28 years), sex distribution (10 men and 13 women vs. 13 men and 16 women) or smoking patterns (13 non smokers and 10 smokers vs. 20 non smokers and 9 smokers), respectively. 2.1 Bacterial populations In thewhole study population, no differences in intestinalmicroflora were observed between smokers and non smokers, while genderspecific comparisons revealed higher initial total anaerobe bacterial (9.56 ±0.46 vs. 9.26 ±0.61 log10CFU/g faeces, P = 0.047) and bifidobacterial levels (8.87 ±1.37 vs. 8.19 ±1.83 log10CFU/g faeces, P = 0.007) in females than males. Overall, no significant differences were observed in viable counts of aerobes between the two feeding groups (Table 1). A trend towards lower levels of total aerobes at day 30 (8.13 ±0.96 vs. 8.61 ±0.92 log10CFU/g faeces, P = 0.077), which turned into a significant difference at day 45 was observed in functional food group compared to the placebo. Bacterial levels of total coliforms and E. coli were statistically different between the placebo and sc-FOS+extract groups at day 30, while group-specific analysis revealed higher levels of total coliforms and E. coli only for the placebo regime at day 30 compared to the baseline and day 15. Enterococci counts were not significantly influenced by the ingestion of the functional jelly compared to placebo during the study period. In sc-FOS+extract group, enterococci were significantly decreased after 30 d of ingestion (6.77 ±1.29 vs. 6.29 ±1.24 log10CFU/g faeces, P = 0.038) compared to the baseline. No significant overall viable counts differences were detected between the study groups in the case of total anaerobe mesophilic microflora, Bacteroides spp., Lactobacillus spp. and C. perfringens (Table 1). Total anaerobes were estimated in comparable densities in the two study groups during the entire research period. Higher levels of total anaerobes were detected in the functional food group at day 15 (9.87 ±0.58 vs. 9.38 ±0.56 log10CFU/g faeces, P = 0.001) and day 45 (9.66 ±0.62 vs. 9.38 ±0.56 log10CFU/g faeces, P = 0.015) compared to pre-treatment counts. Bacteroides and lactobacilli did not demonstrate significant differences at any sampling time between the feeding groups. Increased Bacteroides population was detected in sc-FOS+ extract group after 15 d of consumption and two weeks after the end of the nutritional intervention compared to initial counts (8.71 ±0.54 vs. 8.30 ±0.81 log10CFU/g faeces, P = 0.010 and 8.80 ±0.60 vs. 8.30 ±0.81 log10CFU/g faeces, P = 0.002, respectively). Ingestion of the experimental food in comparison to placebo was related to a trend for lower levels of C. perfringens at day 15 (4.16 ±1.24 vs. 4.78 ±1.23 log10CFU/g faeces, P = 0.065). Analysis of bacterial counts demonstrated an overall significant effect of feeding regime in Bifidobacterium spp. levels (Table 1). The enumeration data presented a significant bifidogenic effect of the functional food preparation compared to the placebo after 15 and 30 d of consumption and a non-significant higher level of faecal bifidobacteria in this group 2 weeks after the end of ingestion. Furthermore,faecal bifidobacteria counts were significantly higher at 15 (9.54 ± 0.83 log10CFU/g faeces, P = 0.002) and 30 d of intervention (9.34 ±1.04 log10CFU/g faeces, P = 0.027) and two weeks after the treatmentperiod (9.33 ±0.61 log10CFU/g faeces, P = 0.015) in the sc-FOS+extract group, compared to pre-treatment levels (8.79 ±0.93 log10CFU/g faeces). During the 15 and 30 d of dietary intervention, respectively 24 and 21 cases of healthy volunteers consuming the experimental jelly gave increased bifidobacterial counts, with mean increase being estimated at 1.06 log10CFU/g faeces and 1.14 log10CFU/g faeces for two and four weeks of intervention. Figs. 2 and 3 indicate a correlation between initial levels of bifidobacteria and positive change in these bacterial populations after 15 (R2 = 0.747, P = 0.000) and 30 d (R2 = 0.712, P = 0.000) of functional food consumption. Subjects with lower baseline bifidobacterial counts gave larger increase on ingestion of experimental jelly. 2.2 Gastrointestinal symptoms No significant differences were observed for gastrointestinal symptoms and characteristics of evacuation during the 30 d of dietary intervention (Table 2). During the first two weeks of the study, a trend for greater flatulence score (6.88 ±6.94 vs. 3.57 ±4.72, P = 0.070) was observed in functional food group and five cases of moderate flatulence symptoms were reported in this group instead of none in the control group. Table 1 Faecal bacterial countsa (log10CFU/g faeces) in sc-FOS+Sideritis euboea extract group (n = 29) and placebo group (n = 23) during the 30-d dietary intervention and 2-week posttreatment period. aAll values are mean ±S.D.; CFU, colony forming units; sc-FOS, short-chain fructo-oligosaccharides. b-fSignificantly different from placebo: bP = 0.042, cP = 0.018, dP = 0.040, eP = 0.001, fP = 0.027; gSignificantly different from baseline (day 0) (P Figure 2. Correlation between the initial levels of bifidobacteria and increase in bifidobacteria after consumption of a jelly containing sc-FOS+Sideritis euboea extract for 15 d. Bacterial counts are expressed as log10CFU/g faeces; CFU, colony forming units; sc-FOS, short-chain fructo-oligosaccharides. Figure 3. Correlation between the initial levels of bifidobacteria and increase in bifidobacteria after consumption of a jelly containing sc-FOS+Sideritis euboea extract for 30 d. Bacterial counts are expressed as log10CFU/g faeces; CFU, colony forming units; sc-FOS, short-chain fructo-oligosaccharides. Table 2 Gastrointestinal symptoms and characteristics of evacuations in sc-FOS+Sideritis euboea extract group (n = 29) and placebo group (n = 23) during the study (0-15 and 16-30 d).a Symptom intensity was graded as 0 = no symptoms, 1-15 = mild symptoms, 16-30 = moderate symptoms and 31-45 = severe symptoms. The possible range for each 15-d symptom score is 0-15 and for total symptom score 0-135. a All values are mean ±S.D.; sc-FOS, short-chain fructo-oligosaccharides. 3. Discussion Results indicated a significant bifidogenic effect of the experimental jelly during the intervention. Differences in levels of total coliforms/E. coli and total aerobes were detected between the two feeding groups at day 30 and 45, respectively. Total anaerobes, lactobacilli, Bacteroides spp. C. perfringens and enterococci were not significantly influenced by the ingestion of the functional food compared to placebo during the study period. The present study demonstrated a strong and selective stimulation of bifidogenesis in healthy volunteers after 2- and 4-week consumption of an experimental jelly compared to the placebo. In our study, high levels of bifidobacteria persisted within the sc-FOS+extract group two weeks after the end of the intervention, a finding that proposes an extended prebiotic effect of sc-FOS. Another results indicated a decrease in total aerobes in sc-FOS+ extract group compared to the control group two weeks after the end of intervention and no significant differences in enterococci counts throughout the entire study period. Previous data from studies that used culture-based enumeration techniques proposed no significant effects of both inulin and oligofructose consumption on total viable counts of aerobes and an unexplained transient increase in aerobic microflora after ingestion of 4 g sc-FOS. A significant difference in enterobacterial counts between the two dietary groups was detected at the cessation of the 30-d intervention, which could be attributed rather to the significant increase of total coliforms and E. coli densities in the control group. Bacterial counts for Enterobacteriaceae were not significantly affected by the ingestion of sc-FOS, such as Actilight and Neosugar. Analysis of digestive symptoms indicated that, compared to placebo, consumption of the experimental functional jelly related only with a trend for greater flatulence during the first two weeks of dietary intervention. A 7-d ingestion of sc-FOS correlated with minor bloating at doses from 2.5-10 g/d and with excess flatus at 20 g/d In general, excess flatus and/or bloating are the most common gastrointestinal symptoms during sc-FOS ingestion, but they are usually characterized as limited and very mild. In conclusion, this study demonstrated the prebiotic potential of a jelly containing sc-FOS and S. euboea extract in healthy volunteers. The product was well-tolerated, with no severe gastrointestinal side effects. Future applications of the experimental food could be focused on people with abnormal intestinal microbiota. Experimental 2 Fructooligosaccharide fortification of selected fruit juice beverages: Effect on the quality characteristics (Renuka et al., 2009) 1. Materials Methods 1.1 Preparation of FOS syrup FOS was produced by the transfructosylation of sucrose using FTase enzyme obtained by submerged fermentation using Aspergillus oryzae MTCC 5154 1.2 Preparation of fruit juice beverages Ripe pineapple, mango and orange fruits were procured from the local fruit market. The fruits were washed, peeled, crushed and passed through pulper to obtain pulp. In case of oranges, the fruits were peeled and passed through a screw type juice extractor to obtain orange juice. Based on the initial sucrose content of each of the three fruit pulp/juice, sugar syrups were prepared by mixing 135, 35, and 195 g of sucrose in 5847, 5947, and 5947 g of water for pineapple, mango, and orange fruit juices respectively to achieve uniform sweetness. To each of the sugar syrups prepared, citric acid (18 g), FOS syrup (2000 g) and respective fruit pulp/juice (2000 g) were added. The prepared fruit juice beverages were heated to 90 and hot filled into presterilized bottles and were allowed to cool. Another set of fruit juice beverages containing only sucrose without any added FOS was prepared and used as control. 1.3 Characterization and storage studies of fruit juice beverages Fruit juice beverages were stored at ambient (25  ± 2 à  Ã‚ ¹Ã‚ C) and refrigeration (4 à  Ã‚ ¹Ã‚ C) temperature for 6 months and were analyzed for colour, changes in the FOS content, total soluble solids (TSS), titratable acidity, pH and sensory qualities at regular intervals of 2 months. 1.4 FOS content A known volume of fruit juice beverages fortified with FOS was centrifuged at 8000 rpm for 20 min. The supernatant was filtered through 0.45 m cellulose nitrate filter (Millipore India Pvt ltd.) and appropriately diluted with triple distilled water and analyzed by HPLC. 1.5 Sensory evaluation Sensory evaluation was carried out by hedonic scale consisting of 10 points (1-10), where 9-10 = excellent, 7-8 = very good, 5- 6 = good, 3-4 = fair, 1-2 = poor. An internal panel of seven expert members evaluated the products for colour, appearance, taste/flavour, mouth feel and overall acceptability. 2. Results and discussion 2.1. Retention of FOS in the fortified fruit juice beverages Figure. 4 presents retention of FOS in the fortified fruit juice beverages as a function of storage time. At the end of 6 months of storage, a significant amount of FOS was retained in the fruit juice beverages stored at refrigeration temperature in comparison with those stored at ambient temperatures. There was a noticeable change in the acceptable quality characteristics after 4 months storage at ambient temperature. Fruit juice beverages in general are fast moving commodity and generally do not remain unsold for more than 2-4 months. Thus, the present study clearly indicates that fruit juice beverages can successfully be fortified with FOS with existence of 4 months at ambient temperature. Figure 4. Effect of storage period on FOS content (g/100 g) of fruit juice beverages. : Pineapple, : Mango and : Orange juices fortified with FOS. 2.2. Characterization of fruit juice beverages during storage The changes in pH, TSS ( à  Ã‚ ¹Ã‚ Brix), and titratable acidity of the fruit juice beverages, when analyzed using ANOVA were not statistically significant at the 5% level between time zero (initial) and 180 days (6 months) of storage at ambient and refrigeration temperature. The pH of the fruit juice beverages fortified with FOS was in the range of 3.23-3.57 as against the control (3.30-3.82). Similar observations with respect to the changes in pH as a function of storage time and temperature have been made. TSS ( à  Ã‚ ¹Ã‚ Brix) of the fruit juice beverages varied from 15 to 16 à  Ã‚ ¹Ã‚ Brix and was stable throughout the storage period (4 à  Ã‚ ¹Ã‚ C 25  ± 2 à  Ã‚ ¹Ã‚ C). The stability of the TSS could be due to the heat treatment prior to storage. Titratable acidity of fruit juice beverages varied from 0.23 to 0.35 g citric acid/100 mL juice. The acidity was fairly constant throughout the storage. The fruit juice beverages fortified with FOS have stability over storage and the beverages kept all the good sensorial properties, as compared to control. Results also showed that there was no visible change (Pà ¢Ã¢â‚¬ °Ã‚ ¥0.05) in the colour during storage. 2.3. Sensory evaluation No significant changes were detected in the overall quality of the fruit juice beverages fortified with FOS in comparison with that of control by the panelists after 4 months of storage at ambient temperature (Table 3). Sensory qualities of the fruit juice beverages stored at ambient and refrigerated temperature was studied on the basis of the consideration that a minimally acceptable product should be equivalent to rating 5 (colour, consistency, taste, flavour and overall quality) of its sensory quality. Fruit juice beverages fortified with FOS were found to be acceptable up to 4 and 6 months based on the evaluation of overall quality at ambient and refrigeration temperature respectively. 3. Conclusion The changes in the present day consumers life style have led to a vital change in the marketing trends of food sector. Todays consumer being more health conscious is seeking products with greater health benefits and there is a great demand for health foods. The present study showed that fruit juice beverages can fortified with FOS with existence of 4 months and 6 months at ambient and refrigeration temperature respectively. There were no undesirable changes in the physicochemical characteristics of the fruit juice beverages fortified with FOS. Overall quality of the fruit juice beverages fortified with FOS for 4 months of storage at ambient temperature was acceptable as indicated by sensory analysis. Constant pH, TSS, TA and viscosity of fruit juice beverages clearly indicates that there is no spoilage either due to microbial or enzymatic reaction.

A Partir De L Exemple De Rennes French Essay

A Partir De L Exemple De Rennes French Essay Lagriculture face à   lurbanisation intensive des mà ©tropoles A partir de lexemple de Rennes et Saint-Jacques -de-la-lande INTRODUCTION Lorsque lurbanisation et lagriculture se disputent les mà ªmes terres, saffrontent alors des mondes, des mentalità ©s diffà ©rentes difficiles à   faire cohabiter. Du fait de son caractà ¨re multifonctionnel, lespace rural est en perpà ©tuel tension entre une fonction à ©conomique (de productività ©) et une fonction rà ©sidentielle ou de loisir, mais aussi une fonction de conservation (prà ©servation de la biodiversità ©, entretien du paysage). Dans ce contexte comment est-il possible de concevoir la cohabitation sur un mà ªme territoire, de modes de vie diffà ©rents? Quel processus damà ©nagement territorial peut à ªtre envisagà © pour concilier les diffà ©rentes pratiques de ces lieux entre urbanisation et nature? Parce que les campagnes tendent à   se densifier. La rurbanisation produit une consommation excessive despaces naturels, elle fragmente les parcelles cultivables et les consume petit à   petit. Le paysage sen trouve modifià ©, car lespace rural tire sont paysage de sa fonction premià ¨re, lagriculture, cest elle qui faà §onne le territoire. Paradoxalement, la venu de nouvelles habitation dans lespace rural dà ©truit ce pourquoi mà ªme elles sont venues : le paysage. Que devient la campagne si elle est urbanisà ©e de la mà ªme faà §on que la pà ©riphà ©rie proche des villes ? Si le prix du foncier ne produit rien dautre que des zones pavillonnaires en tous points identique à   celle de nos villes. Pour rà ©pondre à   cette demande de nature il est indispensable de penser la ville et la campagne comme une seule et mà ªme entità ©, un systà ¨me global oà ¹ lune est dà ©pendante de lautre. En effet la campagne doit à ªtre pensà ©e comme le garde mangà © de la ville pour des raisons de sà ©curità © alimentaire et à ©conomique, dans un contexte oà ¹ les produits lointains seront de plus en plus soumis aux taxations carbone. Hypothà ¨ses Lespace rural ne peut plus à ªtre considà ©rà © comme un vide ou une rà ©serve foncià ¨re, il doit à ªtre pensà © dans un systà ¨me global oà ¹ rural et urbain forme un tout. En effet dans le contexte à ©conomique actuel les villes redeviennent dà ©pendantes de leur arrià ¨re pays. Il faut donc rà ©interroger le systà ¨me de gouvernance à   là ©chelle mà ©tropolitaine oà ¹ la mise en place dune politique globale permettrait de recrà ©er du lien entre lurbain et le rural. Lespace rural a dà ©jà   un caractà ¨re multifonctionnel, il regroupe diffà ©rentes fonctions. Une fonction productive, rà ©sidentielle et de prà ©servation de lenvironnement. La cohabitation de ces diffà ©rentes fonctions gà ©nà ¨re des conflits au sein de cet espace. Une plus grande coordination entre les diffà ©rents acteurs de lespace rural permettrait une meilleure cohabitation des ces usages. La rà ©alisation de diagnostique propre à   chaque territoire ayant pour but la prà ©servation de lagriculture, avec une fonction de production mais aussi crà ©atrice de paysage, respectueuse de lenvironnement, afin de proposer un cadre de vie de qualità ©. Afin de mieux comprendre et analyser ce phà ©nomà ¨ne, nous allons nous intà ©resser dans un premier temps à   la question de la grande à ©chelle, là ©chelle mà ©tropolitaine en se basant sur les projets du grand Paris et plus particulià ¨rement sur là ©tude dAntoine Grumbach. Dans un deuxià ¨me temps nous nous pencherons sur le cas du Plateau de Saclay oà ¹ une à ©tude a à ©tà © menà ©e pour montrer comment sest mis en place un processus de prise en compte de lespace agricole dans la construction paysagà ¨re du rural pà ©riurbain. I. Notre culture face à   la nature 1.1. Historique De tout temps lagriculture a à ©tà © à ©troitement lià ©e à   la ville. Depuis que la ville existe, que lhomme est sà ©dentaire, il produit sa nourriture au plus proche de son lieu de vie. Tant que lhomme est dà ©pourvu de moyens efficaces de dà ©placement pour transporter sa marchandise, les denrà ©es alimentaires sont cultivà ©es aux abords des villes. Là ©talement urbain nest pas un phà ©nomà ¨ne rà ©cent. Dà ¨s le Moyen-à ¢ge, les villes semblent dà ©jà   à ©clatà ©es, limage que lon a dune ville compacte est aussi dà » à   la reprà ©sentation que lon en a fait. Les perspectives dà ©poque sont des reprà ©sentations de villes compactes, oà ¹ les habitations dissà ©minà ©es ne figurent pas. Nayant pas le droit de cità © elles navaient pas non plus le droit de reprà ©sentation. A cette à ©poque la France a une logique de campagne, une multitude de villages distants de 3 à   5 km, distance parcourus actuellement en 5 à   10 minutes donc un rà ©seau quasi parfait qui sà ©tale sur toute le pays.[schà ©ma en à ©toile relation entre les villages] Ce systà ¨me, lià © à   la gà ©ologie, au paysage, aux forà ªts locales est quelque chose de trà ¨s encrà © dans la civilisation franà §aise. Cest le marqueur ADN de la France, un code fort reliant le pays. Tout repose sur cette logique. Nà ©anmoins, les villes importantes de cette à ©poque restent denses, il est donc aisà © den dà ©finir les limites et par consà ©quent celles entre ville et campagne. Au 15à ¨ sià ¨cle, Paris est lune des plus grandes villes dEurope, suivit dAnvers. Une France fà ©odale gouvernà ©e par un roi. Dans sa confà ©rence Lenjeu capital(es), les mà ©tropoles de la grande à ©chelle, le paysagiste nà ©erlandais, Adriaan Geuze, voit le Roi de France comme un agriculteur ayant un pied à   terre à   Paris. Lidà ©e de vivre à   la campagne avec une attache en ville. A la Renaissance, la quantità © de chà ¢teaux et de parcs autour des grandes villes de France explose (chà ¢teau de la Loire) avec un rà ©seau de routes qui converge vers la ville principale. Les Rois entretiennent limage de la campagne, de la nature et cette culture paysanne jusque dans les parcs de leurs chà ¢teaux. Cest une culture de la socià ©tà © agricole. [Parc des chà ¢teaux de la Loire] La rà ©volution est un nouveau tournant dans lhistoire de France. Le symbole mà ªme de Marianne reprà ©sentation de la France de cette à ©poque, est une femme, qui pourrait à ªtre paysanne, venant de la ferme, de la France rurale. [Tableau dEugà ¨ne Delacroix, La Libertà © guidant le Peuple (1830).]On peut donc considà ©rer que les valeurs de notre pays (Libertà ©, Egalità ©, Fraternità ©) puisent leurs racines de cette France là  , cette France rurale. Napolà ©on, comme les rois de France, crà ©Ãƒ © un systà ¨me routier sur tout le continent qui converge vers Paris. Arrive alors la premià ¨re percà ©e dans la conception urbaine à   savoir lextension des Champs-Elysà ©es, avec lArc de Triomphe, cest louverture vers lavenir. Cette action a pour bà »t de changer cette mà ©tropole, de louvrir, de crà ©Ãƒ © des liens et de relier la capitale à   la nature. En 1850, Paris est une ville insalubre, sans aucune condition dhygià ¨ne. Une campagne de restructuration de la capitale est lancà ©e, Paris est donc rà ©gie sous un triple mot dordre: Embellir Circuler Assainir. Lenjeu à ©tait de transformer la mà ©tropole conformà ©ment aux thà ©ories hygià ©nistes pour une meilleure circulation de lair et des hommes. Le Baron Haussmann transforme la capitale en 17 ans de travaux ininterrompus. A la fin de ces travaux Paris a changà © de visage. Sur les grands boulevards Haussmanniens on remarque aussi la prà ©sence importante de la nature. [Prà ©sence de nature sur les boulevards] Ces grandes avenues plantà ©es sont relià ©es directement aux parcs et jardins des Rois, và ©ritables icones de la ville, (jardin du Luxembourg, parc Monceau). Les portes des parcs souvrent, la population y pà ©nà ¨tre : cest une nouvelle ville. La peinture va permettre aussi dintà ©grà © une nouvelle image de la nature. Une nature sublimà ©e. Une nature construite qui va changer la perception mà ªme que lon en avait. Les parcs comme le parc des Buttes-Chaumont ou le parc Monceau peuvent donc se dà ©velopper. A la fin du 19e, dà ©but du 20e sià ¨cle, avec les modifications apportà ©es aux villes et laire industrielle, les relations entre la ville et sa campagne se modifient. Loffre demploi dans les grandes villes augmente, les conditions de vie samà ©liorent et les campagnes sont dà ©sertà ©es, cest lexode rural. Les villes connaissent alors un accroissement dà ©mographique sans prà ©cà ©dent. Les moyens de transports deviennent de plus en plus performants. Les villes sà ©tendent donc trà ¨s rapidement sur lespace rural, estompant ainsi les diffà ©rences entre elles. La population des villes augmente, lagriculture diminue ce qui a pour consà ©quence une perte dautonomie alimentaire. Pour rà ©soudre ce manque il a fallut aller chercher la matià ¨re premià ¨re toujours un peu plus loin. A la fin du XXe sià ¨cle rien na changà ©. Avec la mondialisation, ce phà ©nomà ¨ne na cessà © daugmenter et lagriculture souffre dune mauvaise image. Le discours a donc totalement changà ©. Les paysages agricoles ne sont plus imaginà ©s, comme au 19e sià ¨cle, pouvant faire partie de la ville. La nature nest plus conà §ue comme un à ©là ©ment de paysage urbain quon essaie dintà ©grer à   la ville mais un paysage de campagne que lon cherche à   retrouver lorsque le stress de la ville se fait sentir. Dans les annà ©es 80, la ville souffre de mauvaise rà ©putation. Le manque de logements de qualità ©, laugmentation de la criminalità © ont pour effet de faire fuir les classes sociales les plus aisà ©es et les entreprises vers la pà ©riphà ©rie. Ces dernià ¨res annà ©es le phà ©nomà ¨ne sest renforcà ©, un changement de mentalità ©, une prise de conscience environnementale, encourage de plus en plus durbains à   fuir le stress des villes pour sinstaller à   la campagne. La campagne est vue comme un produit. 1.2. Etat actuel du monde rural Lurbanisation continue des villes daujourdhui grignote chaque jour un peu plus les terres cultivables. [Photo de lurbanisation grignotant les terres cultivables]Laugmentation du prix des terrains constructibles nencourage pas le maintient des actività ©s agricoles et rend lagriculture pà ©riurbaine extrà ªmement fragile. De plus, la cohabitation entre agriculteurs et citadins installà ©s en milieu rural devient de plus en plus source de conflits. En effet, la venue de nouvelles habitations sur lespace rural la rurbanisation se traduit souvent par limplantation de maisons dissà ©minà ©es au milieu de parcelles cultivà ©es. Ce phà ©nomà ¨ne conduit rapidement à   lexplosion des terres cultivables, car pour permettre la mà ©canisation, les parcelles ne doivent pas à ªtre trop petites. Une fois divisà ©es, les parcelles encore en culture, nont plus quune vocation, devenir des champs de là ©gumes ou des pà ©pinià ¨res oà ¹ se multiplie les serres agricoles. La rurbanisation met donc les agriculteurs des zones pà ©riurbaines face à   un choix: vendre leurs terres aux nouveaux arrivants ou cesser leurs actività ©s dà ©levage de bovin pour ne faire que de larboriculture, horticulture ou encore de la production de lait, de volailles ou dÅ“ufs. Face au vieillissement et à   lexode, lespace paysan est menacà ©. Des tensions à ©mergent entre rurbains, citadins ne participant pas à   la vie paysanne, et les paysans locaux. Les nà ©o-ruraux les plus aisà ©s se portent acquà ©reurs dà ¨s la mise en vente du moindre bà ¢timent dans lespace rural. Ce qui, à   lorigine, est un espace de travail napparait plus que comme un espace de loisir. Ce phà ©nomà ¨ne se retrouve dans lensemble des zones rurales proches de grandes agglomà ©rations. Prisonnier dun cadre naturel forgà © depuis des gà ©nà ©rations, le monde paysan appartient dorà ©navant au paysage, celui-là   mà ªme que le touriste citadin achà ¨te. ( Bernard DEZERT- les mutations sociales dans lagriculture urbaine) Le fait davoir dà ©valorisà © lagriculture en la considà ©rant comme un vide, un espace de non-ville à   contribuà © à   son exclusion (de la ville et de notre socià ©tà ©). Il est maintenant indispensable de pensà © lagriculture comme un à ©là ©ment constitutif de la ville. Pour ce faire il faut repenser sa forme mà ªme. Lune des formes considà ©rant la ville comme un ensemble despaces bà ¢ti et non bà ¢ti est la ville archipel nous allons donc nous intà ©resser à   la faà §on dont elle amà ©nage le territoire. Mais avant à §a que signifie le terme de ville archipel ? 2. La ville archipel : un amà ©nagement territorial 2.1. Le concept de ville archipel. La ville archipel pose la question de la forme des relations entre lurbanisation et les espaces de nature. Cette question semble à ªtre une question de paysage puisquelle parle des relations entre les espaces, mais cest avant tout une question damà ©nagement du territoire. Une question dà ©chelle dintervention entre le dà ©veloppement urbain et la protection des milieux ainsi que les relations entre eux. La ville archipel est une forme urbaine capable de conjuguer ville et nature. Pour comprendre ce concept de ville archipel il faut inverser notre faà §on de dà ©finir la ville. Il faut considà ©rer la ville comme un ensemble de centralità ©s intercommunale, avec des espaces bà ¢ti (habitat individuel, collectif ou actività ©) et des espaces non bà ¢ti (naturels, agricoles et forestiers).Ces deux types despaces sont articulà ©s entre eux pour sadaptà © au fonctionnement de ce nouveau territoire en conjuguant facilità © de dà ©placement et proximità © dun cadre de vie agrà ©able dont aspire une majorità © de la population. Dans cette logique comme le dit Bertrand FOLLEA : Le village est à   lagglomà ©ration intercommunale ce que le quartier est à   la ville. Lespace agricole ou naturel fait lui aussi parti intà ©grante de la ville, cest lui qui structure lagglomà ©ration. Il a une fonction serte à ©conomique (de production), à ©cologique (biodiversità ©, gestion hydraulique), mais aussi une fonction sociale (paysage, lieu de dà ©tente, circulation douce). La ville archipel pourrait à ªtre caractà ©risà ©e par des à ®les bà ¢ti denses relià ©es entre elles par des espaces de natures ou agricoles entretenu avec une fonction à ©conomique et sociale. 2.2. La gestion de la nature dans la ville archipel 3. Lexemple de larchipel rennaise 3.1. Rennes Capital de la Bretagne. [] 3.2. Rennes : un espace urbain agricole La mise en place du schà ©ma directeur du district de Rennes, à ©laborà © par un paysagiste et par lagence durbanisme local (Audiar)[1] est considà ©rà ©e comme lune des expà ©riences les plus intà ©ressantes des annà ©es 90. Elle a valeur dexemple dans lamà ©nagement franà §ais en raison de la prà ©servation des territoires agricoles et coulà ©es verte entre les bourgs qui se densifient pour crà ©er des pà ´les secondaires. La question du paysage joue un rà ´le moteur dans là ©laboration de ce schà ©ma directeur. Il a conduit au changement de perception de certain acteur sur leurs territoires. La ville de Rennes na pas toujours à ©tait qualifià © de ville archipel, ce nest quen 2004 que cette expression voit le jour. Isabelle Grudet dà ©montre dans son article Le modà ¨le territorial rennais à   là ©preuve de ses images, limportance des images verbales utilisà ©es pour dà ©crire la ville. Avant 2004 lexpression de ceinture verte est couramment utilisà ©e notamment dans Projet urbain 2015[2]. Ce terme laisse entendre que la ville de Rennes est entourà ©e dun espace vert. Or cet espace nest pas và ©ritablement lisible. Cette expression est dailleurs utilisà ©e en association avec le terme d'anneau et de rocade, le vert et les routes ont fonction de limite et de lien entre les espaces de diffà ©rentes dimensions. Carte de synthà ¨se paysagà ¨re / schà ©ma directeur de 1994 En comparent deux images iconique, la vue de synthà ¨se dun paysagiste et la carte du schà ©ma directeur de 1994 on remarque un à ©loignement de la ville classique que la ceinture verte marquà © par la rocade servait à   maintenir à   lintà ©rieur de mur virtuels, et que la ville archipel a fait exploser. On passe de la ceinture verte reprà ©sentà © par la rocade et un rà ©seau routier qui relie les bourgs à   la ville centre ; a une image de ville territoire oà ¹ les diffà ©rents espaces bà ¢tis sont relià ©s entre eux par les à ©là ©ments constitutifs du paysage. Dans la reprà ©sentation paysagà ¨re du modà ¨le rennais proposà © par le paysagiste, la hià ©rarchie entre ville et campagne disparait. Lespace non bà ¢ti est dà ©composà © en plusieurs couleurs, le bà ¢ti reprà ©sentà © en blanc sestompe, ce territoire oà ¹ bourgs et centre ville semblaient à ªtre relià © par de simple routes raccordà ©es à   une rocade, semble maintenant à ©clatà © sur un territoire indà ©fini dont une campagne dà ©sormais complexe vient crà ©er du lien grà ¢ce aux rivià ¨res, parcs et autres à ©là ©ment du paysage. Lidà ©e de ceinture verte a disparue. Cette espace non bà ¢ti, agricole fait lobjet dune discussion entre paysagiste et à ©lus sur le concept des isolement paysage terme apparaissant dans le schà ©ma directeur de 1994. Retranscription de cette discussion,Tirà ©e des cahiers de LAUA n °11 p.105 Paysagiste : Nous proposons de nouveaux termes pour remplacer des terme qui nous semblent rà ©ducteurs. Nous proposons de remplacer isolement paysage par espace agricole de respiration Elu : (Vice prà ©sident de Rennes Mà ©tropole dà ©là ©guà © à   lenvironnement et aux rà ©serves foncià ¨re) Ce sont les espaces irrà ©ductibles. Le Saint Emilion de Rennes. Mais pour ce terme de respiration je me demande sil ne risque pas dà ªtre mal perà §u. Il semble indiquer que lon ne respire pas dans Rennes-centre. Paysagiste : Cest intà ©ressant Elu : Les espace agricoles, ce sont aussi des gens. Les agriculteurs ne sont pas seulement là   pour faire respirer les gens Paysagiste : Cest un concept fort. Le travail a à ©tà © guidà © par lidà ©e de polycentrisme. Ce systà ¨me est volontariste, il faut des concepts forts pour contrer les processus spontanà ©s. Lexpression isolements paysage nest pas positive. Elu : Je suis daccord pour enlever isolement paysage mais lagriculture, je prà ©fà ¨re espace agricole de construction Paysagiste : Oui, il faut rà ©flà ©chir sur ce thà ¨me. Elu (vice-prà ©sident de Rennes Mà ©tropole dà ©là ©guà © aux formes urbaines): Remplacer isolement paysage par espace de respiration est une bonne idà ©e, mais il faut la revoir Elu : Cest bien, on est arrivà © à   hià ©rarchiser les choses Mais il y a quand mà ªme ce truc de la respiration Moi, je dirais simplement agriculture pà ©riurbaine. Paysagiste : Oui, mais à   quoi renvoie le terme de pà ©riurbain Elu (Vice prà ©sident de Rennes Mà ©tropole dà ©là ©guà © à   lenvironnement et aux rà ©serves foncià ¨re) : Et pourquoi pas espace agricole urbain. Cela permet de ne pas faire apparaà ®tre les agriculteurs comme les derniers des Mohicans Lexpression vient dapparaà ®tre. Elle sera là ©gà ¨rement modifià ©e par un à ©lu, pour donnà ©e le terme final d'espace urbain agricole. Selon un à ©lu ce terme a la capacità © de crà ©er un choc, aussi bien chez les agriculteurs que chez les urbains, qui pourrait pousser à   laction. En effet cette espace agricole urbain participe à   là ©conomie et à   lattractività © du Pays de Rennes. Il est entretenu par 1400 exploitations agricoles qui mettent en valeur 63 000 ha de surfaces agricoles. En choisissant le terme de ville archipel les à ©lus ont fait le choix dun amà ©nagement du territoire qui laisse une large place à   lespace agricole et naturel entre les diffà ©rents pà ´les durbanisations. Cette gestion du territoire, qui place lagriculture au cÅ“ur de la ville, approuvà © et confortà © par le SCoT permet damà ©liorer le cadre de vie des habitants avec la prà ©sence dune campagne bocagà ¨re à   proximità ©, travaillà ©e par lagriculture. Mais la proximità © de la ville et de lespace agricole ajoute des contraintes qui peuvent fragiliser leur à ©quilibre à ©conomique, laugmentation du foncier produit par une ville dynamique, la cohabitation conflictuel entre citadin et agriculteurs et les dà ©placements difficiles En revanche cette proximità © de la ville permet à   lagriculture de se diversifier en fournissant un marchà © local et en proposant des services. En considà ©rant comme ville lespace bà ¢ti et lespace non-bà ¢ti, les à ©lus se doivent de travaillà ©s en à ©troite collaboration avec les agriculteurs, afin doffrir un meilleur cadre de vie permettant le dà ©veloppement de cette à ©conomie. Dans cette optique, lassociation partenariale entre agglomà ©ration et la chambre dagriculture a permis la crà ©ation de lassociation Terre en ville oà ¹ sà ©change les expà ©riences sur les espaces agricoles pà ©riurbains franà §ais. 3.3. Le programme local de lagriculture, pour une agriculture en cÅ“ur darchipel. En 2008, un accord-cadre est passà © entre la chambre dagriculture, la SAFER Bretagne, Rennes Mà ©tropole et le Pays de Rennes pour coordonner les actions et dà ©finir les conditions de leur mise en Å“uvre. Le programme local de lagriculture soumet cinq thà ¨mes de travail : Echanger autour dun observatoire de lagriculture. Concilier urbanisme, foncier et agriculture Confortà © le bocage dans ses multiples rà ´les Sadapter au nouveau contexte à ©nergà ©tique et climatique Renfoncer les liens entre les citadins et les agriculteurs. La mise en place dun observatoire de lagriculture du Pays de Rennes, qui publiera un bulletin chaque annà ©e a pour rà ´le de faire partager une vision actualisà ©e de la dynamique agricole du territoire entre les diffà ©rents acteurs agricoles et territoriaux. Les thà ¨mes traità ©s par le programme local de lAgriculture sont : foncier et urbanisme, environnement, lien citadins-agriculture. Pour que la ville archipel fonctionne, il faut que lactività © agricole soit forte. Des actions foncià ¨res sont misent en place pour maintenir cette actività © et permettre une meilleur lisibilità © de lespace rà ©servà © à   lagriculture dans les projets urbains. En 2005 la SAFER Bretagne et Rennes Mà ©tropole passent une convention visant une politique danticipation foncià ¨re et de recherche des terres de compensation pour les exploitants agricoles dont les terres sont rà ©cupà ©rà ©es par les projets urbains. Grace à   ces compensations il est possible de regrouper les parcelles autour des bà ¢timents agricoles, se qui amà ©liore les performances à ©conomique et à ©nergà ©tique des exploitations, en limitant les dà ©placements dengin, en rationnalisant les systà ¨mes de fourrage Lagriculture doit à ªtre traità © dans les PLU comme une priorità © car cest elle qui structure lespace communal. Des rà ©flexions sur la prise en compte de lagriculture dans les PLU ont à ©taient engagà ©es, elles dà ©boucheront sur la mise en place de nouvelles mà ©thodes et la rà ©daction de recommandations à   lattention des municipalità ©s, des techniciens et urbanistes ainsi que des acteurs agricoles. La proximità © de la ville et des actività ©s agricoles pose quelques problà ¨mes, notamment pour des questions de dà ©placements, lagriculture provoque des dà ©placements de matià ¨re et dengins agricole qui on du mal à   cohabiter avec la circulation urbaine. Les plans communaux de dà ©placement des PLU ont en charge didentifier les secteurs oà ¹ le dà ©placement dengin agricole est le plus problà ©matique. Ce qui permet aux communes dintà ©grer dans leurs projets des solutions ou des alternatives. Le paysage rennais se caractà ©rise par la prà ©sence de bocages. Si ces à ©là ©ment du paysage font dà ©sormais partie du patrimoine paysagà © de la rà ©gion, leurs rà ´les est multiples. Ils permettent la rà ©gulation des eaux, prà ©servent la biodiversità ©, offre de lombre pour les troupeaux, ont un rà ´le agronomique et peuvent à ªtre perà §u comme à ©nergie renouvelable. De plus les cheminements largement accessibles offrent aux citadins des espaces de dà ©tente à   la campagne, et permet ainsi de limiter le dà ©membrement des parcelles agricoles pour des zones de loisirs. Mais lentretient de ces haies revient essentiellement aux agriculteurs et les charges pour cette entretient deviennent de plus en plus lourdes du fait de lagrandissement des parcelles. Le programme local de lagriculture prose de redonnà © de la valeur à ©conomique à   lentretient moderne du bocage. Afin de sadapter au nouveau contexte à ©nergà ©tique et climatique, Rennes-Mà ©tropole met en place son plan à ©nergie-climat pour à ©tudier les moyens de rà ©duire la production de gaz à   effet de serre. En effet lagriculture et lagroalimentaire est extrà ªmement consommatrice dà ©nergies fossiles il est donc essentiel de rà ©flà ©chir à   des solutions pour limiter cette consommation, la mise en place dà ©nergie renouvelable tel que la biomasse, là ©olien ou le solaire. De plus lentretient des haies bocagà ¨res peut permettre là ©mergence dune filià ¨re bois-à ©nergie. Une filià ¨re en dà ©veloppement dans la rà ©gion tant chez les particuliers que pour les à ©quipements publics. Lagriculture a la charge des espaces agricoles et naturels de la ville archipel. Se sont les agriculteurs qui faà §onnent lespace et le cadre de vie. Malgrà © limportance de lagriculture pour le dà ©veloppement de la mà ©tropole, les agriculteurs ne sont plus reconnus. Les citadins qui ont le dà ©sir de cette campagne connaissent mal les actività ©s agricoles daujourdhui. Ils ne perà §oivent que les aspects nà ©gatifs de la profession et les gà ªnes engendrà ©es. Mais il en va de mà ªme pour les agriculteurs qui ne comprennent pas forcà ©ment les enjeux urbains. Pour que lagriculture soit và ©ritablement intà ©grà ©e à   la ville il faut quelle soit comprise de tous et pour à §a un travail dinformation doit à ªtre fait. Ce devoir dinformation doit se faire pour le grand public, mais aussi entre les diffà ©rents acteurs (à ©lus locaux, agriculteurs, techniciens) Pour faire passà © le message au plus grand nombre, le Pays de Rennes lance un à ©comusà ©e oà ¹ lon retrouve la mà ©moire rural du pays de Rennes, mais qui surtout pose les questions sur là ©volution de lagriculture local contemporaine. Depuis dà ©jà   quelque temps, le regain dintà ©rà ªt pour une agriculture seine, permet le dà ©veloppement ou le redà ©veloppement des circuits courts comme le marchà © traditionnel mais aussi des mà ©thodes plus innovantes tel la vente de panier, la cueillette à   la ferme ou encore les AMAP (association pour le maintient dune agriculture paysanne), la vente par internet Ces nouvelles filià ¨res permettent de rapprocher lagriculteur du consommateur, mais aussi donnà ©e la possibilità © aux agriculteurs de se diversifier en proposant de nouvelles actività © comme laccueil à   la ferme, lagrotourisme, les fermes pà ©dagogiques, mais aussi de proposà © des services comme lentretient des espace naturels ou des chemins de randonnà ©es, et en collaboration avec la collectività © pour le co-compostage ou la gestion des boues dà ©puration. 3.4. Les AMAP Carte des AMAP du pays de Rennes Voila ce que prà ©conisà © en 2008 le Programme local de lagriculture. Mais comment se sont traduites ces recommandations dans les projets urbains de la mà ©tropole rennaise ? Afin dà ©tudier cette question nous allons nous pencher sur deux projets rà ©alisà ©s à   Rennes a savoir la ZAC de la Courouze et celle de Beauregard, ainsi que dans la ville de Saint-Jacques-de-la-lande. 4. Exemples de projets rennais 4.1. Saint-Jacques-de-la-Lande Saint-Jacques-de-la-Lande est une commune à   cinq kilomà ¨tres des premiers faubourgs de Rennes. Cest au centre de la commune que se construit une nouvelle ville de 8 000 habitants. Un projet qui pourrait surprendre à   une à ©poque oà ¹ lextension des pà ©riphà ©ries se ralentie fortement. Cette ville a longtemps à ©chappà ©e à   lurbanisation du fait de la prà ©sence sur son territoire de nombreuses installations militaires. Le maire, Daniel Delaveau a toujours fait preuve de dà ©termination pour mener son projet à   terme. Des les annà ©es 70 il commence lacquisition progressive de tous les terrains du secteur. Durant 7 ans il se bat avec les services de lEtat et du dà ©partement pour que la route de Redon ( 2 fois 2 voies ) ne soit pas une voies expresse mais un boulevard urbain reliant un nouveau quartier. Il pose un point dhonneur à   la conservation du paysage qui fabrique sa ville, en souhaitant la prà ©servation dun atout majeur du site, les prairies bocagà ¨res. En 1992 la ville lance un concours durbanisme pour le nouveau centre de Saint-Jacques-de-la-Lande. Il est remportà © par Jean-Pierre Pranlas-Descours en association avec les paysagistes Christophe Delmar et Anne-Sylvie Bruel. En 1994 le projet est formalisà © dans le plan directeur gà ©nà ©ral qui fixe les principes urbains, paysagà ©s et architecturaux. Le paysage dans lequel simplante le nouveau centre ville de Saint-Jacques-de-la-Lande nest pas des plus remarquables, il ne possà ¨de pas và ©ritablement dà ©là ©ments marquant le paysage. Une topographie douce, sans trop daccident, ni de dà ©nivelà ©. Et pourtant de toutes les communes environnantes cest elle qui a le mieux conservà © sont hà ©ritage rural, des grandes à ©tendues herbeuses en là ©gà ¨re pente, des haies bocagà ¨re pour dà ©limiter les anciennes proprià ©tà ©s des à ©là ©ments peut perceptibles mais qui valorisà ©es peuvent permettre dancrer le nouveau quartier dans son territoire.[] 4.2. La ZAC de la Courrouze 4.3. La ZAC Beauregard 5. Autres exemples 5.1. Lexemple de plateau de Saclay. 5.1.1- Historique du plateau de Saclay. Le plateau de Saclay a connu de nombreux changements au cours de son histoire. Avant le XVIIe sià ¨cle le plateau nà ©tait quune immense plaine marà ©cageuse. Ces marà ©cages limitaient lagriculture à   une pratique traditionnelle et anarchique. A la fin du XVIIe sià ¨cle, les à ©tangs infà ©rieurs du plateau de Saclay ont servi à   une partie de lalimentation en eau du chà ¢teau de Versailles. Depuis cette à ©poque les eaux pluviales du plateau sont drainà ©es en son centre dans un à ©tang situà © entre Saclay et Villeras. Suite à   ce rà ©seau de drainage le plateau devient, un sià ¨cle plus tard, parmi les plus fertiles de la rà ©gion parisienne et permet une agriculture plus intensive. On y produisait de lavoine, du seigle, de lorge et du blà © sur une surface de mille trois cent cinquante hectares destinà © exclusivement au seul marchà © parisien. Lagriculture sintensifient et se diversifient, elle se modernise jusquà   devenir progressivement une agriculture dite scientifique. De plus en plus dorganismes de recherche agronomique sinstallent sur le plateau, elles aident les agriculteurs à   acquà ©rir des connaissances et à   amà ©liorer leur rendement. Mais limplantation sur le plateau de Saclay de ces nombreux organismes accà ©là ¨re son urbanisation de faà §on exponentielle. Le plateau nest plus reconnu pour ses excellentes terres cultivables, mais devient lun des cinq premiers centres denvergure europà ©enne frà ©quentà © par plus de trente mille physiciens, chercheurs ou autres ingà ©nieurs. Au cours du XXe sià ¨cle, le plateau de Saclay perd sa dimension paysagà ¨re et apparaà ®t comme une zone rurale sans grand intà ©rà ªt. Les auteurs de là ©poque ny voient quune vaste à ©tendu monotone et austà ¨re dominà ©e par une agriculture moderne et productive dà ©pourvu de tout pittoresque. Depuis 1945, lotissements, installations industrielles, aà ©rodromes continuent à   sà ©tendre sur dexcellentes terres à   culture. Un des exemples les plus caractà ©ristiques est celui du Centre de recherche de Saclay ; on a sacrifià © là   des terres qui comptaient parmi les meilleures de la banlieue parisienne pour à ©courter les dà ©placements de techniciens habitant Paris. (M. Phillipponneau) Le plateau de Saclay est dà ©sormais caractà ©risà © par son centre dà ©tude nuclà ©aire, il devient le plateau de la matià ¨re grise, un haut lieu de la science franà §aise. Il est dà ©sormais cà ©là ¨bre pour ces à ©quipements scientifiques de pointes. Jusqua la fin des annà ©es soixante-dix ces à ©quipements scientifique à ©taient perà §ues positivement par le grand public cette actività © permis douvrir le plateau de Saclay sur lextà ©rieur et le fit reconnaitre. Mais il à ©tait essentiellement connu pour cette actività © et son paysage à ©tait perà §u comme un pa

The Joy Luck Club and The Woman Warrior: Memoirs of a Girlhood Among Ghosts :: The Woman Warrior

The Joy Luck Club and The Woman Warrior: Memoirs of a Girlhood Among Ghosts Amy Tan’s novel, The Joy Luck Club describes the lives of first and second generation Chinese families, particularly mothers and daughters. Surprisingly The Joy Luck Club and, The Woman Warrior: Memoirs of a Girlhood Among Ghosts are very similar. They both talk of mothers and daughters in these books and try to find themselves culturally. Among the barriers that must be overcome are those of language, beliefs and customs. The novel The Joy luck club starts with a story that right away suggests the importance of family and language. It is the tale of a hopeful young woman traveling from China to America to start a new life. She carries with her a swan, which she hopes to present to her American daughter someday. The language barrier is exposed when the woman’s good wishes for her future child are defined by the idea that this daughter will never know the hardships endured by her mother because she will be born in America and will "speak only perfect American English" (Tan 18). Though, things do not turn out exactly as planned for the young woman. Her lovely swan is confiscated by customs officials, and her treasured daughter, now an adult, does indeed speak only English and cannot understand her mother at all. Without a common language, â€Å"the expected loving link between mother and daughter is broken. Communication becomes impossible.† (Kim 37) This story sets the stage for conflict between the Chinese mothers and their American daughters. The issue of the language barrier is a constant theme in both The Joy Luck Club and The Woman Warrior. The English language plays a major role in assimilating the new world. For Tan, there is a conflict between Chinese and English, in her real life and in her story. Tan herself stopped speaking Chinese at age five. Tan’s mother, Daisy, however, speaks "in a combination of English and Mandarin" (Cliff notes 6). Tan was taunted in high school for her mother’s heavy Shanghai accent (Cliff notes 6). Because Daisy never became fluent in English, the language problem only escalated between the two women. (Cliff notes 6) Tan expresses this stress in her novel with the character Jing-mei. Jing-mei admits that she has trouble understanding her mother’s meaning. "See daughters who grow impatient when their mothers talk in Chinese, who think they are stupid when t hey explain things in fractured English" (Tan 40).

The Metaphysics of Performance :: Theatre Science Papers

The Metaphysics of Performance Something extraordinary has happened to metaphysics. At the very moment when philosophy is focusing its efforts at bringing metaphysics to an ‘end,’ metaphysics finds itself flourishing in the theatre, which speaks of itself as ‘metaphysics-in-action’ and publishes treatises carrying such titles as The Act of Being: Toward a Theory of Acting. The irony of the situation appears to have been lost on postmodern philosophers. What this paper sets out to do is explore the potential consequences of the metaphysical weight that has been acquired by the theatre for the practice of philosophy. It argues that the theatrical performance is in fact an ‘enactment’ of the performance of being and that, as such, it is possible to extend our understanding of this performance from the theatrical stage to the ‘theatre of the world.’ Finally, in doing so, we can establish the context for a metaphysics that does not privilege presence. The world of the stage, of roles, masks, parts to play has been one of the most enduring ways of speaking about life and the world we live in. In fact, until four hundred years ago, the theatrum mundi metaphor was the dominant image in Western thinking. God was conceived on the analogy of a playwright who had created the script of the play that was being performed on the stage called the world. "All the world's a stage, / And all the men and women merely players ..." No sooner had Shakespeare penned these lines than the theatre metaphor was emptied of its metaphysical charge. In very short order, it found itself functioning under the aegis of a new and more powerful image of the world: "the book of the world." It was Galileo and Descartes who gave this metaphor its currency, which was to have far reaching consequences for the history of metaphysical thinking in the West. To engage the world as a stage is to find oneself articulating what is at bottom an inherently unstable view of the world. As anyone who is familiar with the theatre knows, if it takes a performance to bring a world to presence, then the intelligibility or meaning of what transpires cannot be guaranteed in advance. And, if God is conceived of in terms of being a playwright, then he faces the predicament that every playwright finds himself in. He is constrained to address the continuing instability that attaches itself to his creation by virtue of the fact that a performance intervenes between himself and what transpires onstage.

Leader of my life: my mother Essay

An influential leader in my life is my mother because she exemplifies a godly woman in many ways. She is a whole person. She is a cooperative leader in the home. She also understands and accepts her role, despite cultural trends and pressure. She models authentic spirituality. She is the keeper of intimate feelings. She demonstrates and teaches compassion. She desires to complete duties with her heart. Her strong faith in God is contagious in my life. As a whole person, my mother is beautiful, healthy, and wealthy in God. Her beauty radiates from her modest and humble personality and her tastefully modest clothing style. Her desire for nutrition and personal hygiene is key to her amazing health. She knows her wealth comes from God because he blessed her with a strong Christian husband and three daughters. She gives me a beautiful reminder to remember who I am and whose I am. My mother is also a cooperative leader at home. She understands God’s design for marriage. The love and respect she gives to my father is an example of that leadership. She demonstrates cooperation through building a healthy marriage in partnership with my father. Despite trends and pressure from culture, my mother understands and accepts her role as a godly woman. Growing up, my mother taught me the dominant values of Christianity so I can carry those values into my adult life and be a Christian witness to others. She holds to her values at work as an anatomy professor, and sometimes she gets ridiculed for her faith, but she stands strong. My mother models authentic spirituality daily. She understands what is at stake, and I am willing to do anything to stand up for my faith. She invests time to strengthen her walk with Christ, and has instilled that in me as well. Another leadership quality my mother holds is her ability to never share the feelings, fears, and dreams I express to her. She is an excellent listener and provides me with spiritual advice. I like to think that I am a confidant and can be trusted by those who need a listening ear. Throughout my life, my mother has demonstrated and taught compassion. She is the source of my care, protection, nourishment, and sacrifice. Adopted at birth, my mother has sufficiently provided for me out of love. She guards  me with her life to keep me on the right path. She taught me to love healthy and nutritious food so I can do the same for my children. My mother has also made an abundance of sacrifices to make sure I live by God’s design. Finally, my mother desires lasting results with wisdom, understanding, and knowledge. She utilizes her wisdom by teaching me the ways of life. She rejoices as I apply her teachings in my life and she understands me. The abundance of knowledge my mother has supplied me with continuously fills my life with rare and beautiful treasures. My mother continually molds me into the person God intends. She shares a special partnership with God that nobody can take away from her. My mother is an influential leader in my life as an example of a godly woman. She is pure and whole in the eyes of God. She demonstrates cooperation by understanding and accepting her roles against cultural trends and pressure. She is a model of authentic spirituality, and provides a listening ear. The compassion she beholds is contagious, and she desires to complete duties with her heart. This is how my mother models leadership.

None of The Above Voting Essay

None of The Above or â€Å"against all† vote is designed in order to allow the voter to indicate his/her disapproval of all the candidates in the voting system. Election is all about choosing the right candidate, not voting against or showing dissatisfaction over a particular party. Points in Favor-  · Gives true meaning to democracy  · People will be able to express what they actually want  · Political parties can project right and clear candidates  · Promotes spirit of democracy The right purpose of democracy is to choose a leader who is fit to run the constituency. A leader has to be selected if he/she is the right candidate, the decision should not be biased. Here, NOTA is a good option because this choice is always better than no voting. At least the political parties can know what people are looking for and right candidates can be presented. It would foster purity and vibrancy of elections, and more and more people will come to vote in order to express whether they are satisfied with the candidates, the political parties represent. Points against NOTA-  · Lack of proper mechanism  · May lead to wastage of time and money  · Can also lead to re-election Even if 90% of the voters choose NOTA, the majority of the remaining 10% will be the winner.so there will be no point for the voters to choose NOTA. Apart from this, it can be wastage of time. Suppose all the voters choose the NOTA option, then what is point of election? India is a democratic country where leaders are chosen on the basis of votes and if none of the candidates are selected then the whole election is a waste of time. Also it can lead to wastage of money because if no party wins or gets the majority of votes, re-election will be held, requiring a lot of spending.